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Medieval Literature Annotated Bibliography

Compiled by Sharon Coolidge, Chair / Professor

I have tried to give you the call numbers for the books that I know are in our library, but you may be able to locate others through the Public Library or through inter-library loan. Others of these I have in my own library and will be happy to share them with you. Please let me know if you discover other books that you find helpful, and I will add them to the list. Please let me know also if you find errors or information that is not clear. - Dr. Coolidge

General Books | Animals | Biblical Typology | Birds | Color | Liturgical | Music | Mythology |
Numbers| Physical Features| Plants | Saints| Stones | Symbolic Themes

General Books
There are a number of compilations which cover the broad range of medieval symbols. Although some focus on symbols in art, they are all helpful to one degree or another. Some limit themselves specifically to the medieval and renaissance periods while others stretch to the modern period--even including material from eastern cultures. This means, of course, that some of these books need to be used with care to avoid the problem of using a modern or eastern meaning as a basis for an interpretation of a medieval work. Consequently, each annotation delineates carefully the kinds of material covered in each source (plants, animals, colors, stones, etc.) and describes both the specific strengths and limitations for each source. These works are also cross referenced under the specific headings to follow.

Bibliography

Audsley, W. and G. Handbook of Christian Symbolism. London: Day & Son, Ltd., 1865.
Although this work focuses specifically on Christian symbols such as the cross, the nimbus, and symbols related to the Passion, Resurrection, and Ascension, it also considers some of the other standard symbols (saints, colors, etc.). While it includes no clear documentation and no index and while it does not specify medieval meanings, it is still a helpful source--especially on the biblical topics.

Child, Heather and Dorothy Colles. Christian Symbols Ancient and Modern. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1971.
After a short introduction on the nature of symbolism, this work addresses a wide range of symbols arranged by topics, including the cross, the Trinity, Mary, Nativity, angels, prophets and patriarchs, and the Eucharist. It also includes a section on the natural symbols (bird and beasts), numbers, the church year, and the liturgy. Although some of the meanings given are clearly modern and indicate that this source should be used with care, it is a good source on a wide variety of topics and includes a good index and bibliography.

Cirlot, J. E. A Dictionary of Symbols. Trans. Jack Sage. New York: Philosophical Library, 1962. 290.3 C496d
This source covers the entire range of symbols, including classical names, some musical instruments, and some place names. It is arranged alphabetically and gives thorough descriptions. It is an easy source to use but should be used with care since it includes both modern and medieval, eastern and western.

Clement, Clara Erskine. A Handbook of Christian Symbols and Stories of the Saints. Ed. Katharine E. Conway. New York: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1887.
Both this edition and an earlier one entitled A Handbook of Legendary and Mythological Art (Boston: Ticknor & Co, 1881) cover the same material. Focusing on symbols in art, it includes alphabetical listings under various general headings (colors, plants, animals, saints, and mythology), an index, and a good listing of sources at the beginning of the work. This helps to compensate for the lack of documentation.

Cooper, J. C. Illustrated Encyclopedia of Traditional Symbols. London: Thames & Hudson, 1978.
Although this work is not specifically medieval, nor even specifically western, it labels the various meanings given (for example, Chinese, Greek, or Christian). It includes a good bibliography and illustrations, and uses an alphabetical listing.

Dahmers, Joseph. Dictionary of Medieval Civilization. New York: Macmillan, 1984.
This work uses an alphabetical listing but covers slightly different material from some of the others listed here. It covers such things as personal names, place names, the crusades, doctrines, authors, and monastic orders. Obviously the focus is not exclusively symbolic, but it includes important information necessary to the study of medieval art and literature.

Ferguson, George. Signs and Symbols in Christian Art. 1954. London: Oxford University Press, 1954. 704.9482 F381s
This book is a personal favorite and a good place to start. It covers the entire range of symbols, includes plates, and gives an index of names and subjects. Although the subtitle of the book indicates a focus on Renaissance art and although there is no documentation, experience has shown that the meanings given here, although not long, are quite accurate for the Middle Ages.

Forstner, Dorothea. Die Welt der Symbole. Innsbruck: Tyrolia-Verlag, 1967.
Although this work is in German, it is a very useful one, covering the whole range of symbols. It is particularly good on numbers, colors, the natural symbols, biblical motifs, and mythology. Its usefulness is further extended by a good index.

Hall, James. Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art. 1974. New York: Harper & Row, 1979. RR 704.94 H143d
Its avowed focus is Christian and classical themes, mostly from the Renaissance or later and mostly western. The text is organized alphabetically, and it provides both sources for various meanings and a bibliography. Since many of these sources are, in fact, medieval, it is a useful book for our purposes.

Hangen, Eva C. Symbols, Our Universal Language. Wichita, Kansas: McCormick-Armstrong Co., 1962. RR 423 H193s
This work is arranged alphabetically and covers quite a range of symbolic meanings, but it has some short-comings: the entries are short, usually giving only one meaning per symbol, and there are no sources given. In addition, it includes material from both the east and west.

Hulme, F. Edward. The History Principles and Practice of Symbolism in Christian Art. 1891. Detroit: Gale Research Co., 1969.
This source includes good background material on the nature of symbolism and covers a wide range of symbolic material. It includes particularly good sections on color, Old Testament typology, and natural symbols. Although it is organized by subject, it is easy to use and does identify medieval sources.

Kirschbaum, Engelbert. Lexicon der Christlichen Ikonographie. 8 vols. Freiburg: Herder, 1968-1972.
Although this source is in German, it is an important and useful work. The volumes are organized in two parts: an alphabetical listing and a listing by name. This work is carefully documented and cross referenced, and each entry includes numerous meanings, examples of each, some illustrations, and bibliography. Even someone with only a little German will be able to get some good help from this source.

Metford, J. C. J. Dictionary of Christian Lore and Legend. London: Thames & Hudson, 1983.
Although the title may sound somewhat dated, this is an excellent new source. It is organized alphabetically and is quite thorough in the subjects it treats. It also includes good illustrations of many of the items. While some of the meanings given are more modern, the medieval meanings are generally clear.

Réau, Louis. Iconographie de L'Art Chrétien. 3 vols. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1958.
Although this work is in French, it is a standard source. Vol. 1 includes general comments on symbolism plus subdivided sections on numbers, colors, natural symbols, liturgy, and a general section on saints. Vol. 2 includes iconography of the Bible, and Vol. 3 focuses on the saints. The work is scholarly, thorough, and well-documented.

Sill, Gertrude Grace. A Handbook of Symbols in Christian Art. New York: Macmillan Publishing, Inc., 1975. 704.9482 Si35h
This source has as alphabetical listing of subjects with subheadings. In addition to good listings, an index, bibliography, and plates, this work also includes good introductory remarks for each of the major subjects handled. It is not entirely medieval, but much of it is.

Vries, Ad de. Dictionary of Symbols and Imagery. Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Co., 1974.
Ranging from medieval and classical to modern, this source gives full entries with citations of sources or indications of period. It is organized alphabetically and includes general articles in the text on archetypes, stones, etc., as well as covering a broad range of symbols. It also cites use by specific authors.

Whittick, Arnold. Symbols, Signs and Their Meaning. 1960. Mewton, Mass.: Charles T. Branford Co., 1971. RR 704.946 W618s
This source seems to be in many libraries, but it should be used with care since it is not primarily medieval. It includes some background material on symbols in general and an alphabetical listing with some illustrations. Fortunately it does cite sources, which helps to identify the medieval meanings.

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Animals

"But ask now the beasts, and they shall teach thee: and the birds of the air, and they shall tell thee. Speak to the earth, and it shall answer thee: and the fishes of the sea shall tell. Who is ignorant that the hand of the Lord hath made all these things?" (Job 12:7-9).

So writes Job in the Old Testament concerning the way the natural world testifies of its Creator--an idea which is also the basis of animal symbolism in the Middle Ages. But the story begins much earlier than Chaucer's day; in fact, it may begin as early as humanity itself with its rituals and his art. One need not read far in Homer to discover that certain animals were sacred to the gods and were therefore the animals appropriate for sacrifice. Even in the Old Testament certain animals, such as the bull, lamb, dove carried a special significance. As sacrificial animals these were more than the four footed beasts and birds that roamed the earth. Already they possessed a symbolic quality which pointed to some higher significance--a significance which would be drawn out and elaborated by centuries of biblical exegetes.

It was probably Aristotle, however, who was the earliest direct ancestor to the medieval bestiary itself since he was the first to collect the known "facts" of the day concerning natural history and to compile them in a systematic fashion. This great work, called the Historia animalium, claimed to be based on observed fact, but a study of it will show much superstition and folklore as well. There are others who followed in the tradition of Aristotle (Pliny in the 1st century A. D. and Solinus in the 3rd century A. D.), but clearly the next important step in the development of the medieval bestiary is The Physiologus and the development of allegorical interpretation among the Church Fathers.

These early Christian thinkers found the animal lore they inherited from antiquity particularly suited for their purposes since their real focus was not on the truth or falsity of these legends but rather on their adaptability to the teaching of Christian morals. Augustine writes that what is important is not whether the animals existed, but what they meant. The focus is clearly on doctrine.

Sometime between the second and fifth centuries A.D. an anonymous Christian writer, probably in Alexandria, compiled a book about beasts--some of them fantastic--drawing on the sources of antiquity and perhaps drawing specifically on the work of a pagan predecessor, but adding to them the tradition of allegory. In its early form The Physiologus was comprised of about fifty allegories in which each entry began with a biblical quotation, followed by a description of the animal which might in fact be entirely fanciful, followed in turn by an analogy or moral which would instruct the reader in some Christian truth. Although The Physiologus was condemned as heretical in 469 A.D. by Pope Gelasius, it is clear from history that his ban had no real effect. Augustine, Ambrose, and Gregory the Great quoted it frequently, and later Christian writers such as Isidore of Seville (7th century) and Theobaldus, Abbott at Monte Cassion (11th century) transcribed versions of it which were accepted with credibility.

In time as scribes and writer continued to copy and expand it, The Physiologus grew from its original forty-nine beasts to as many as one hundred and fifty. Along with its increased size and scope came amazing illustrations, and The Bestiary, as it came to be called, became popular not only for its interesting subject matter, but also as an intriguing picture book containing animals most people had never seen and some fabulous creatures that no one would ever see. In the later Middle Ages, three encyclopedic works stand out as significant in animal lore:

De proprietatibus rerum by Bartholomaeus Anglicus, De apibus by Thomas of Cantempre', and the Speculum naturale by Vincent of Beauvais. These works of the 13th century popularized the bestiary material, and Bartholomaeus Anglicus's encyclopedia incorporated virtually all known animal lore from the Middle Ages and antiquity.

Popular as they were, certainly not everyone in the Middle Ages would have had access to these hand copied bestiaries. But the common man would have many other ways of learning from the animals. Strange creatures crowded the margins of illuminated books of hours and Bible picture books, they peered out from doorways, side walls, and pews in the cathedrals, and appeared in the magnificent stained glass windows. The preacher would also frequently draw on animal stories for exempla in his sermons, and vernacular literature abounded with references to animals. Why were they so popular? Because they taught man about himself and about God's created order. Because God had created them, they spoke directly of God--especially through the elaborate allegories added by the early compilers. By studying the behavior of animals, man could see his own human qualities and motives, and he could use these moral lessons to help effect his own journey back to God.

Even a cursory look inside the pages of a bestiary reveals a fascinating world. There we learn of the mighty lion who, according to legend, sleeps with his eyes open: "In this very way, Our Lord also, while sleeping in the body, was buried after being crucified--yet his Godhead was awake." Also the lion cubs are said to be born dead and to lie there for three days before the father breathes upon them and brings them back to life. "Just so," the bestiary goes on to say, "did the Father omnipotent raise our Lord Jesus Christ from the dead on the third day."

It is equally plausible to believe the legends of the unicorn, an animal with only one horn in the middle of its forehead who cannot be caught by hunters. A virgin sitting alone in the forest is the only effective lure for the unicorn. He leaps into her lap and is thereby caught. In this legend the allegorists saw a perfect analogy for Christ:

It says that he is very swift because neither
Principalities, nor Powers, nor Thrones, nor
Dominations could keep up with him, nor could
Hell contain him, nor could the most subtle Devil
prevail to catch or comprehend him; but, by the
sole will of the Father, he came down into the
virgin womb for our salvation.
The examples are endless and equally fascinating. Some of the allegories relate to the legendary behavior of the beast, while others seem somewhat strained to a modern audience. But to the Middle Ages these beasts, birds, and reptiles proclaimed loudly a divinely created order and the plan of salvation. One need only read Shakespeare and other Renaissance writers to realize how many of these legends lasted well beyond the Medieval period.

In the literature and art of the period, the writers and artists may or may not have intended some of these specific Christian allegories. But very much alive in this period was a vast array of connotations which clung to these animal legends--even when they were separated from the allegories of the bestiaries. In highlighting an animal in a painting or in making a pointed reference to an animal in a poem, these medieval artists could bring to their work the connotations from popular legend. For example in the description of the Miller in the "General Prologue" to the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer characterizes the Miller by comparing his red beard to a fox or a sow. In fact, the whole description of the Miller highlights his bestial nature: he is brawny, deceitful, and coarse. From tradition and the bestiaries we learn that the pig is wild, rude and "boorish," as well as being associated with sensuality and gluttony. The fox is cunning, shrewd, and demonic. The bestiary describes the fox's habit of rolling in red mud and pretending to be dead to lure the birds. When the birds come, thinking to find a feast of dead meat, the fox jumps up and kills them. The allegory links this action to the way the Devil tricks men who live according to the flesh and who will perish in hell. Chaucer may well not have expected his audience to know all of the specifics, but he would have expected them to know the general link of the fox and the devil--a link made popular in the Reynard the Fox beast fables. By alluding to these animals Chaucer deepens his portrait of the Miller as a brute of a man who demonically deceives and exploits his customers.

Another example of the significance of animals in literature comes from the medieval romance Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. In the third fitt of this work Gawain has an agreement with his host, Bercilak, to exchange their winnings for the day. Bercilak will go out into the fields to hunt while Gawain is to remain in bed. Cleverly, the Gawain poet has set up a parallel between the three animals Bercilak hunts and the three temptations that come to Gawain in bed. The connotations of the three animals--the hind, the boar, and the fox--highlight the particular temptations Gawain must face. Among other things, the hind suggests gentleness, fidelity, and the flesh. The boar suggests prowess and fierce pride, and the fox, cunning, deceit, and the devil. There are also other possible meanings for these animals, but many critics see these animals as therefore representing the flesh, the world, and the devil--and the three temptations Gawain must face with Bercilak's wife. By being unaware of the medieval connotations of these animals, the modern reader may miss the full significance of this parallel.

Bibliography

Bartholomaeus Anglicus. On the Properties of Things: John Trevisa's Translation of Bartholomaeus Anglicus De Proprietatibus Rerum. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975.
Although this work is in English, it is 15th century English. Also there is no index and only a Latin table of contents. But it includes a whole range of medieval material on geography, trees, birds, and animals.

Clair, Colin. Unnatural History: An Illustrated Bestiary. New York: Abelard-Shuman, Ltd., 1967.
The text is an alphabetical listing of animals with illustrations. The text is not a direct translation of any version, but a compilation of material from a variety of sources, some medieval and some Renaissance. Although there is no documentation, he usually attributes information in a general way. The focus seems to be more on the Renaissance, but it is still helpful.

Evans, Edward Payson. Animal Symbolism in Ecclesiastical Architecture. New York: Henry Holt & Co., 1896.
After an opening survey covering primitive to medieval, it surveys the main texts and summarizes material on various animals. Although there are no footnotes, he generally identifies sources.

Friedmann, Herbert. A Bestiary for Saint Jerome: Animal Symbolism in European Religious Art. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1980. 704.946 F914b
After a good general introduction on symbolism, this work focuses first on the works of art that represent Jerome. The second part is a bestiary arranged alphabetically. It includes places, sources, and suggestions for further study for each animal.

Hulme, F. Edward. Natural History, Lore and Legend. London: Bernard Quaritch, 1895.
This work tends to be somewhat popular in approach and only generally gives sources. It ranges from medieval into the Renaissance, and includes an index of animals and subjects treated.

Klingender, Francis. Animals in Art and Thought to the End of the Middle Ages. Ed. Evelyn Antal and John Harthan. Cambridge, Mass: The M.I.T. Press, 1971.
This work is organized around chronological development and themes in art, but there is a good index, bibliography, and notes which help to locate symbolic information about the various animals.

A Medieval Bestiary. Trans. T. J. Elliot. Boston: Godine, 1971.
This is a modern translation and edition of a Middle English version by Theobalus. It includes modern wood engravings, but the content is essentially medieval.

The Old English Physiologus. Text and Prose Trans. Albert Stanburrough Cook. Verse Trans. James Hall Pitman. Yale Studies in English 63. New Haven: Yale, 1921.
In Anglo-Saxon and modern English, this work covers three animals: the partridge, the panther, and the turtle.

McCulloch, Florence. Medieval Latin and French Bestiaries. University of North Carolina Studies in the Romance Languages and Literatures, no. 23. Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1962.
After a good description of the history of the Greek and Latin Physiologus and Latin and French bestiaries, the text includes material from the bestiary with sources. Covers a wide range of animals with sources.

Robin, P. Ansell. Animal Lore in English Literature. London: John Murray, 1932.
After a good introduction on the development of animal symbolism, the text lists the animals by topic, not alphabetically. He generally gives his sources and includes an index to make the book more useful.

Rowland, Beryl. Animals with Human Faces: A Guide to Animal Symbolism. 1973. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1975. 398.369 R394a
This clearly is one of the standard sources for animal symbolism. Entries are arranged alphabetically and are thorough and well presented. The work also includes a good bibliography and index.

Rowland, Beryl. Blind Beasts: Chaucer's Animal World. Kent, Ohio: The Kent State University Press, 1971. (I have.)
This scholarly work focuses specifically on Chaucer's use of animals. It is organized around broad topics, but there is a good index which is useful for finding references to specific animals.

Steele, Robert. Medieval Lore from Bartholomew Anglicus. London: Chatto & Windus, 1924. 901 B283m
This work contains translated selections from the original work, including material on geography, trees, birds, and animals.

Theobaldus. Physiologus of Theobaldus. Ed. Richard Morris in An Old English Miscellany. Early English Text Society 49. London: N. Trubner & Co., 1872.
This is a translation of the mid 13th century bestiary by Theobaldus from Arundel MS 292.

Vinycomb, John. Fictitious and Symbolic Creatures in Art. London: Chapman and Hall, Ltd, 1906.
The focus of this work is somewhat different since it covers animals and fictitious creatures in English heraldry. It is organized according to animal and generally gives some reference to sources.

White, T.H. The Bestiary. New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, Capricorn Books, 1960. 878.B585w
This is a good beginning source since it is a direct translation of bestiary material with helpful notes, illustrations, and bibliography. It also includes a history of bestiary material. Text is arranged alphabetically.

See Also
Child, Heather and Dorothy Colles. Christian Symbols Ancient and Modern.

Cirlot, J. E. A Dictionary of Symbols.

Clement, Clara Erskine. A Handbook of Christian Symbols and Stories of the Saints.

Cooper, J. C. Illustrated Encyclopedia of Traditional Symbols.

Ferguson, George. Signs and Symbols in Christian Art.

Forstner, Dorothea. Die Welt der Symbole.

Hall, James. Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art.

Hulme, F. Edward. The History Principles and Practice of Symbolism in Christian Art.

Krischbaum, Engelbert. Lexicon der Christlichen Ikonographie.

Metford, J. C. J. Dictionary of Christian Lore and Legend.

Reau, Louis. Iconographie de L'Art Chretien.

Sill, Gertrude Grace. A Handbook of Symbols in Christian Art.

Vries, Ad de. Dictionary of Symbols and Imagery.

Whittick, Arnold. Symbols, Signs and Their Meaning.

Selected Secondary Sources
Cronin. Grover. "The Bestiary and the Mediaeval Mind--Some Complexities." Modern Language Quarterly 2 (1941): 191-98.

Janson, H. W. Apes and Ape Lore in Middle Ages and the Renaissance. London: The Warburg Institute, 1952.

Varty, Kenneth. Reynard the Fox: The Fox in Medieval English Art. Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1967.

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Birds
Although the bestiary actually covers beasts, birds, reptiles, fish, and even a few insects and precious stones, bird symbolism deserves its own brief comment--especially since the publication of Beryl Rowland's Birds with Human Souls. In it she discusses the general patterns of bird symbolism: "The idea that the bird represented the soul as opposed to the body, the spiritual in contrast to the earthly, seems to have been universal." In addition the bird was associated with new life and procreation. In medieval art the bird is also a frequent inhabitant of paradise or the garden of earthly delights while a few birds may point to negative qualities in man or represent the Seven Deadly Sins. In art there are numerous depictions of the Christ Child clutching a bird in his hand or holding a bird on a string--both suggesting the idea of the soul incarnated in the body.

In the bestiaries we learn of the phoenix who possesses both sexes in itself and who at the end of its life builds a funeral pyre. It then ignites the fire, burns itself up, and on the ninth day rises again from the ashes to live another life. Given these fabulous details, it is small wonder that the Christian allegorists saw the phoenix as a symbol of Christ and his resurrection from the dead. References to particular birds in literature often bring a deeper meaning to the text. For example, Chaucer characterizes his Squire through the nightingale, a traditional symbol for lust and sexual love. Ironically enough, the nightingale's song could also be associated with Christ's death and resurrection and thereby with divine love.

Bibliography
Friedmann, Herbert. The Symbolic Goldfinch. Bollingen Series no. 7. Washington, D.C.: Pantheon Books, 1946.
Focusing on the history and significance of the goldfinch in European devotional art, this source gives in detail the symbolism of the bird and discusses the types of pictures in which it appears. It also includes notes, index, bibliography, and plates.

Ingersoll, Ernest. Birds in Legend, Fable and Folklore. New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1923.
Organized around broad themes, this source covers material from east, west, ancient, and modern. Although it has no footnotes, it generally tells where material comes from.

Rowland, Beryl. Birds with Human Souls. Knoxville: The University of Tennessee Press, 1978. (I have)
This is clearly the standard source to consult. Based on solid research and well-written, this book covers the major birds, with a thorough explication of each. It includes a full bibliography.

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Plants
Like animals, plants were viewed as part of the Book of Nature--a book one could read if he only knew the symbols. And like the study of animals, the study of plants has a history that stretches back to classical and biblical times. In the Old Testament certain plants stood out as having special significance or special properties. No one reading the Old Testament can miss the central importance of the Tree of Knowledge or the Tree of Life; nor can one overlook the purification significance of the hyssop plant. As with the animals, however, it was Aristotle who was the ultimate source of herbal material in the Middle Ages. Although Aristotle's primary work on botany has unfortunately been lost, he does refer to plants in a number of his other works, and he left his library of materials to his pupil Theophrastus (b. 370 B.C.). Theophrastus's botanical work, Enquiry into Plants, passed through Arabian channels to resurface in Western thought in the thirteenth century.

The other source for medieval herbals comes from the area of medical botany--the concern with the healing qualities of certain plants. Aristotle may also have influenced this branch, and a ninth book added to Theophrastus's Enquiry into Plants includes superstitious material about plants. The truly important figure in this area of botany is a man, known as Dioscorides, writing in the first century A.D. His work, known best by its Latin title, De materia medica libri quinque, contains descriptions of over 500 plants, including the specific healing virtues. Well into the Renaissance this work continued to be copied, glossed--and accepted as infallible.

So far in the history of the herbal the material passed on tended to be a mixture of botanical observation and superstition. With the advent of Christian exegesis, Christian writers began to transform this classical material into Christian allegory, transforming the flowers and plants sacred to the pagan gods into attributes of Christ and the Virgin Mary. In this period the works which represent the greatest wealth of botanical symbolism are the Hexameron by St. Ambrose (4th century), the Etymologies of Isidore of Seville (6th), the De Universo by Hrabanus Maurus (9th), and the Repertarium morale and Reductorium morale by Pertrus Berchorius (14th). As this botanical material continued to be copied and allegorized, it expanded from the classical concern with herbs and some flowers to include many flowers, fruits, and trees. Even on into the Renaissance this material continued to be copied and illustrated in many herbals and popularized in the newly emerging Emblem books.

Like the bestiaries, the herbals contain a fascinating array of material. In the herbal we can learn the mystery of the mandrake plant whose root was said to resemble the human form. According to Dioscorides, the mandrake symbolized lust, and others believed that an infusion of this plant allowed people to change sex. Such knowledge helps to understand Donne's poetic line about getting with child a mandrake root. From the herbal we also learn that the cucumber is a symbol for the human sin that did not affect the Immaculate Virgin and is based on an interpretation of Isaiah 1:8: "And the daughter of Zion is left...as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers, as a besieged city." In De universe Hrabanus Maurus tells us that the cucumber symbolized lust, because the Jews in the desert "preferred cucumbers to the manna sent from Heaven." It is surely not without significance that the Green Knight in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight carries a bob of holly in his stunning entrance to King Arthur's court. From classical tradition we learn that the holly was a sign of peace, and from the herbals we learn that holly symbolized the passion of Christ because tradition said the crown of thorns was made from holly. It was also the attribute of John the Baptist who was beheaded by Herod. Taken together these meanings certainly help to support the Green Knight's statement that he came to Arthur's court in peace. The connection with John the Baptist may foreshadow the beheading about to take place, and the allusion to Christ's passion may suggest a more serious role for the Green Knight than might first be suspected.

Certain groups of plants deserve a brief discussion of their own. Given the yearly cycle of the seasons, flowers and fruits suggest a cycle of life, death, and resurrection. More particularly flowers are directly associated with the Virgin Mary, based on passages in Scripture, on Christ's conception in the springtime, and Mary's frequent depiction in an enclosed garden (based on Canticles 4:12). Remnants of this remain today in the names of some flowers associated with Mary: Lady's slipper or Lady's smock. In medieval and Renaissance depictions of the Annunciation there is usually a pot or vase of lilies somewhere in the painting--and there is a good reason for their traditional inclusion. According to medieval tradition, the lily symbolizes chastity, virginity, and the Immaculate Conception of Mary. The specific reference, however, may come from Albertus Magnus who said that "Mary's womb was like a field surrounded by lilies because she was a virgin before, during, and after giving birth to Christ." It is not surprising, therefore, that the lily also comes to be an attribute of the Archangel Gabriel.

Fruits, too, are sometimes singled out for special symbolism. Because they contain seeds for new plants, fruit often suggests fertility and regeneration. But fruit can also suggest the overripe pleasures of earthly pursuits--and sometimes fleshly desires. In a specifically Christian context, fruit can also refer to the twelve Scriptural "fruits of the spirit." A good example of the range of symbolism is the pear. In some context it suggests the Virgin and Child because of its sweetness. This may account for the many artistic depictions of the Madonna, Christ Child, and pear. Another reason, however, may be that the pear was sometimes seen as the alternate fruit of the fall. This may, in fact, be the tradition behind Chaucer's use of the pear tree in the "Merchant's Tale." There a kind of symbolic fall takes place beneath the tree when Damian, who has been described as being like a snake, tempts the young May to commit adultery in the pear tree. In that sense the pear was a fruit of earthly desire and the flesh--the very weakness Christ's incarnation at Christmas was designed to redeem. So the inclusion of the pear in the Madonna pictures may have a double meaning.

One other category deserves more attention than we can give it here. That is the area of trees.

Bibliography
Agnus Castus: A Middle English Herbal. Ed. Gosta Brodin. Essays and Studies on English Language and Literature. Upsala: A.-B. Lundequistska Bokhandeln, 1950.
Organized alphabetically by Latin names, this text was written by an Englishman in the 14th century. It also includes introductory material.

Behling, Lottlisa. Die Planze in der Mittelalterlichen Taffelmalerei. Köln: Bölau Verlag, 1967.
This very scholarly work is organized historically and by artist. It includes pictures with enlargements of plants and flowers and an index of plant names. Although the work is in German, it is a very important source.

Behling, Lottlisa. Die Pflanzenwelt der Mittelalterlichen Kathedral. Köln: Böhlau Verlag, 1964.
This is the companion volume to the one listed above and includes an index of plants, detailed photographs, and a thorough bibliography.

D'Ancona, Mirella Levi. The Garden of the Renaissance: Botanical Symbolism in Italian Painting. Arte e Archeologia: Studie Documenti, no. 10. Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 1977.
Although the title focuses on Italian painting in the Renaissance, the scope of the work is actually much broader. There is excellent introductory material, but the bulk of the work is a detailed listing of the various plants, flowers, and trees. For each he includes a variety of meanings, specific sources, a listing of pictures illustrating the particular meanings. The work is very scholarly and is a standard source.

Friend, Hilderic. Flowers and Flower Lore. 2 vols. London: Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1892.
The focus is on flower lore past and present. Although the author generally gives some idea of sources, this one should be used with care because it includes modern meanings. It includes herbs, flowers, and some trees.

Grigson, Geoffrey. A Herbal of All Sorts. London: Phoenix House, 1959.
This work is organized in rough alphabetical order and tends to focus more on the Renaissance, but does include some medieval meanings. It is an interesting popular approach, but use with care.

Larkey, Sanford and Thomas Pyles. An Herbal, 1525. New York: New York Botanical Garden, 1942. 615.32 H413L
After a good introduction and a facsimile of the original, there is a modern version which lists the qualities and folklore of herbs. It is arranged alphabetically by the plants' Latin names.

Lehner, Ernst and Johanna. Folklore and Symbolism of Flowers, Plants and Trees. New York: Tudor Publishing Co., 1960.
Organized around topics rather than particular plants, this work claims to focus on late medieval and early Renaissance. It tends to be more popular in approach, but does include helpful material.

Quinn, Vernon. Stories and Legends of Garden Flowers. New York: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1939.
This source gives legends of flowers but gives no real documentation although it does give some idea of historical period. There is an alphabetical listing but no bibliography.

See Also
Cirlot, J. E. A Dictionary of Symbols.

Clement, Clara Erskine. A Handbook of Christian Symbols and Stories of the Saints.

Cooper, J. C. Illustrated Encyclopedia of Traditional Symbols.

Ferguson, George. Signs and Symbols in Christian Art.

Forstner, Dorothea. Die Welt der Symbole.

Hall, James. Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art.

Hulme, F. Edward. The History Principles and Practice of Symbolism in Christian Art.

Kirschbaum, Engelbert. Lexicon der Christlichen Ikonographie.

Metford, J. C. J. Dictionary of Christian Lore and Legend.

Reau, Louis. Iconographie de L'Art Chretien.

Sill, Gertrude Grace. A Handbook of Symbols in Christian Art.

Vries, Ad de. Dictionary of Symbols and Imagery.

Whittick, Arnold. Symbols, Signs and Their Meaning.

Selected Secondary Sources
Anderson, Frank J. An Illustrated History of the Herbals. New York: Columbia University Press, 1977.

Arber, Agnes. Herbals: Their Origin and Evolution. 2nd. ed. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1953.

Blunt, Wilfrid and Sandra Raphael. The Illustrated Herbal. New York: Thames and Hudson, Inc., 1979.

Singer, Charles. From Magic to Science. London: Ernest Benn, Ltd., 1928.

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Stones
Jewels and precious stones have held a fascination for people of all ages, but the stone symbolism that emerges in the Middle Ages goes beyond mere fascination. Stones had magical qualities, could protect against harm, and could even heal diseases. The symbolism of precious stones, like that of the other natural symbols--animals and plants--has a history which stretches back into classical and early Babylonian times. Even in early Old Testament times stones were significant and symbolic as seen in the twelve stones (representing the twelve tribes of Israel) which adorned the breastplate of the high priest.

In fact the tradition of the medieval lapidary--the book of stones--is a complicated one because it developed in several directions and with at least three different kinds of lapidaries: 1. the scientific lapidary 2. the magical or astrological lapidary and 3. the Christian symbolic lapidary. Instinctively we might say that the Christian symbolic lapidary is the significant one for our purposes, but to do so is to limit ourselves since the other kinds of lapidaries contributed greatly to its content.

The story really begins with the Babylonians who took the legends and beliefs associated for centuries with stones and incorporated them into their scientific knowledge. Because the Babylonians were very much attuned to the movement and influence of the stars and planets, the early stone lore reflects this astrological concern. In fact, a talisman was a very popular magical stone because it was believed to have special or magical powers derived from the heavens. The path of development that lapidaries took from their earliest Babylonian incarnation to the classical tradition is not entirely clear, but we do find early works on stones by Theophrastus, Dioscorides (5th book of Materia medica), and Pliny. Most of these early legends associated with stones were medical, including details on how the stones could be ground to powder and administered to a sick person.

Because the Christian Church condemned magic in all of its forms, it selected carefully the material it inherited from the classical period. It tried to ban the magical talisman, but it encouraged the medical associations of stone by copying and expanding them. Isidore of Seville faithfully preserves this classical material in the seventh century, and it is not until the 11th century in the writings of Marbode, the Bishop of Rennes, that we encounter the truly medieval lapidary. In addition to his great work, De lapidibus, Marbode also wrote three smaller lapidaries, one in verse and two in prose. The verse lapidary is a 99 line poem of thanksgiving for the twelve stones which constitute the foundation for the New Jerusalem. The stones are given symbolic significance. The Christian prose lapidary discusses the same stones but adds new material, and the medical lapidary focuses on the healing qualities of the stones.

It is the great lapidary of Marbode, however, which became the lapidary par excellence in the Middle Ages. Not only was this work extensive, covering 60 stones, but the descriptions are full, giving amazing accounts of the powers of gems to frighten off demons and create enchantments.

Sometime in the 13th century Christian thinkers seem to have considered the pagan nature of much of this material and set about to compose their own symbolic lapidaries based on the exegesis by early Church Fathers of stones in the Bible. The result of this endeavor is a whole tradition of lapidaries which focus on the twelve stones of Aaron's breastplate or on the twelve foundation stones of the New Jerusalem in the Apocalypse.

But the Church writers did not stop there. Lapidaries also exist which link the various orders of angels to particular gem stones and even one which assigns a stone to each of the apostles. Our modern tradition of birthstones has its antecedents in these apostolic stones as well as in the earlier tradition of the astrological influence of the stars. Stones were also associated with the Virgin Mary, and some stones were believed to have additional significance or power when they were inscribed by the names of saints or other religious scripts.

Because of the different nature of these lapidaries--ranging from medicinal qualities to correlations with the qualities of the apostles, there is often quite a range of meaning for these stones. From Marbode we learn that the sapphire (this may or may not be the stone we currently call sapphire.) protects the carrier from fraud and overcomes both envy and terror. Additionally, it allows one to escape from prison, reconciles a man to God, and stops perspiration. When ground with milk, it heals sores, cleans the eyes, and cures headaches. From the apostolic lapidary of Andreas, Bishop of Caesura, we discover that the sapphire is compared to the color of the heavens: "I conceive it to mean St. Paul, since he was caught up to the third heaven, where his souls was firmly fixed." And from a description of the twelve apocalyptic gems by Hrabanus Maurus (9th century), we learn that the sapphire represents celestial hope.

The ambiguity of stone symbolism poses some interesting questions when a gem assumes a symbolic role in a painting or piece of literature. As in the case of any symbol, context must be the key. In the second fitt of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, as Gawain prepares to leave Arthur's court to search for the Green Knight, we are given an elaborate account of the dressing and arming of Gawain. Gawain believes his task will be a fierce physical battle against an opponent who has appeared earlier in the work to be magical and perhaps demonic. Among the other items that Gawain wears is a diamond. A quick look into the lapidaries helps to explain why he might wear a diamond rather than a stone that would correspond to his symbolic colors of gold and red. A diamond, we are told, protects the wearer from any foe and gives the wearer superior strength and courage--surely qualities Gawain would wish to have as he went to face the Green Knight. We also learn that the diamond could drive away spirits of the darkness and could repel difficult enemies. From Hildegard of Bingen we learn one other detail: the diamond possessed the power to ward off the devil himself.

In light of the awesome and ambiguous description of the Green Knight in the opening fitt as a monstrous fay and in the 4th fitt as a demonic creature in the wilds, grinding his horrid axe, Gawain's wearing the diamond makes perfect sense, since Gawain surely felt he was going out to meet his death at the hands of some demonic monster.

Bibliography:

Albertus Magnus. Book of Minerals. Trans. Dorothy Wyckoff. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967.
In addition to the translation, this work contains an index for the stones discussed. There is also an appendix which lists and describes the main medieval lapidaries.

English Medieval Lapidaries. Ed. Joan Evans and Mary S. Serjeantson. Early English Text Society, no. 190. London: Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press, 1933.
This work contains the texts of seven different lapidaries. To help the reader it also includes a list of the stones in the various manuscripts in the order in which they appear. There is also an index of the stones in Latin and a table of the stones, showing which manuscripts cover which stones.

Kunz, George Frederick. The Curious Lore of Precious Stones. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott Co., 1913. 553.8 K964c
Although this work is not a dictionary of meanings per se, it does include a great deal of information about symbolic meanings. It is organized around different categories of stones (talisman, engraved stones, etc) but includes a good index to help locate information on particular stones. He has also documented his sources. It may take a little longer to locate the whole range of meanings for a stone, but this source contains good information.

Marbode of Rennes' De Lapidibus. Trans. C. W. King and John M. Riddle. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag GMBH, 1977.
This very scholarly work combines text, translation, and commentary throughout. In addition to the great lapidary, it also includes the three minor works. Good notes and bibliography. Entries are thorough.

Right, Ruth V. and Robert L Chadbourne. Gems and Minerals of the Bible. New York: Harper and Row, 1970. 220.8549 W735g
This book covers 62 gems, collecting its material from a variety of sources. It should be used with care since the symbolic meanings are not all medieval, but it has some helpful information.

Theophrastus. De lapidibus. Ed. and trans. D. E. Eichholz. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965.
Although this work contains the lapidary of Theophrastus, students may find this work less helpful because it focuses more on the natural qualities of the stones rather than the magical qualities.

Theophrastus. On Stones. Trans. Earle R. Caley and John C. Richards. Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1956.
This work contains a commentary as well as the lapidary. As with the work above, it contains natural qualities and some medicinal applications, but not the symbolism of the later lapidaries.

See Also
Audsley, W. and G. Handbook of Christian Symbolism.

Cirlot, J. E. A Dictionary of Symbols.

Cooper, J. C. Illustrated Encyclopedia of Traditional Symbols.

Ferguson, George. Signs and Symbols in Christian Art.

Forstner, Dorothea. Die Welt der Symbole.

Metford, J. C. J. Dictionary of Christian Lore and Legend.

Reau, Louis. Iconographie de L'Art Chretien.

Vries, Ad de. Dictionary of Symbols and Imagery.

Selected Secondary Sources
Evans, Joan. Magical Jewels of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance Particularly in England. New York: Dover Publications, Inc. 1976.

Holler, William M. "Unusual Stone Lore in the 13th Century Lapidary of Sidrac." Romance Notes 20 (1979):135-42.

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Numbers
"...thou hast ordered all thing in measure, number, and weight" (Wisdom 11:21).

So writes the author of the Apocryphal Old Testament book Wisdom--a text which captures so well the meaning and mystery behind number symbolism in the Middle Ages. Augustine himself suggests that numbers are like the thoughts of God, giving authority and approval to a system of thought that was to permeate medieval culture. Although on the surface number symbolism might appear to be on a par with symbolism from the natural world, there is a difference: both are based on God's signs in nature, but the significance of numbers involves a greater mystery and requires more education to unravel--at least in the more complicated forms prevalent in the Middle Ages.

In the history of medieval number symbolism there appear to be four distinct sources or influences. The first of these is probably the hardest to define and delineate because it is so fundamental: man's preoccupation with numbers from the beginning of time. Certain numbers were discovered early to be significant in nature: 2, a pair, 3, a family, 5, the hand. There are certain fundamental meanings drawn from human tradition itself that pass on into the more sophisticated number systems.

The second source for medieval number symbolism is Babylonian astrology. Here the focus is on the heavens--the movement and relation of the planets and constellations--on numbers derived from their study which had a sacred and mysterious significance. In this tradition 7 becomes a number of great significance--7 gods, 7 devils, 7 planets, 7 days-- and 12 becomes associated with the signs of the zodiac and astrological predictions. From the astrology and magic of Babylonia come sacred numbers shrouded in mystery and awe that are then passed on to the Middle Ages.

Paralleling some of the developments in Babylonian astrology, the numbers found in the Old and New Testaments comprise the third source of number symbolism. Seven, eight, and twelve were significant numbers in the Old Testament which were also repeated in the new. What particularly fascinated some of the early Christian thinkers was that the numbers in Sacred Scripture were the same numbers they saw in Babylonian astrology. Such a parallel between pagan and Christian not only encouraged study of the biblical numbers but gave a credibility to the findings of the pagan astrologers.

Independently in Greece there developed another system of numbers known as Pythagoreanism, which is the fourth important influence on medieval number symbolism. Unique to this system are two principles which greatly influenced subsequent thought. The first is that all numbers and, as a corollary, all things are contained in the decad. From this principle grew the idea of the cosmic universe as being comprised of the 9 spheres plus a "counter earth" which bring the total to the desired 10. The second principle, what of viewing mathematics geometrically, helped to create a link between tangible reality and number theory. Even a cursory look at Pythagorean theory is enough to see the rich complexity of the relations and meanings of numbers. For them 6 becomes the first perfect number because it is the sum of 1+2+3, and other numbers gained similar significance as they sought in numbers the key to the mysteries of the universe.

With the pervasiveness and power of these four sources, it is small wonder that number symbolism becomes so significant in the Middle Ages. Although the interest in numbers can be seen in Early Christian thinkers such as Philo Judaeus (1st century A.D.), who discovered Pythagorean numbers in Genesis, and the Gnostics (1st century B.C. to 5th century A.D.), who developed elaborate and mystical systems, the most important proponent for Christian number symbolism was St. Augustine. It was Augustine who fused the pagan and Christian to suggest that number was a principle of God's created order. By studying numbers, therefore, as one studied animals, plants, and stones, one could learn something of the Divine Wisdom. Especially could one hope to learn truth by studying the sacred numbers of the Bible, and through Augustine's stamp of approval and encouragement, later Church thinkers began to search out the meanings of such numbers as the 12 disciples, the 70 palm trees of Elim, the 318 servants of Abraham, and the 144,000 of the Apocalypse. In time these interpretations became standardized, and other writers such as Isidore of Seville, Liber numerorum (Book of Numbers), Hugh of St. Victor, Hrabanus Maurus, and Odo of Morimond's Analytica numerorum in theographiam (An Anatomy of Numbers for Divine Writings) passed on this Christian numerical symbolism to succeeding generations.

It should be obvious that the interpretation of numbers--and especially numbers in Scripture--was a fine art, requiring much education, but traces and results of these interpretations filter into every area of medieval thought. "Number," Bonaventure says, "is the supreme exemplar of God," and therefore man, if he wishes to learn about God, must understand the significance of numbers. Numbers came to be a part of man's life in the Middle Ages--in the mass, in cathedral architecture, in the works of vernacular literature, and although common man could not hope to understand the intricacies of number symbolism or to work out elaborate interpretations, enough of the basic significance of numbers filtered down through medieval culture to let him see something of God's sacred numbers. There were 10 commandments, 7 deadly sins, 3 persons of the Trinity, and 5 joys of Mary.

Numbers did matter--and for that reason they are significant in the art and literature of the period. It is certainly true that not every number in a work of art is significant symbolically any more than every animal, or color, or plant has a deep meaning. Sometimes an author will use a figure such as 100 or 1,000 to suggest a large number. But when an author uses a specific number in a conspicuous way, the reader needs to consider the symbolic possibilities. Chaucer, for example, specifically tells us that there are 29 pilgrims going to Canterbury. Critics have added and re-added and re-figured the number of pilgrims, but they have missed the point. As Edmund Reiss points out, 29 is a number just short of 30. Since 30 is a number of perfection because it is a product of 3 (the number of the Trinity) and 10, 29 becomes a number approaching perfection--an ideal number to suggest the idea of pilgrimage.

Many critics have analyzed the numbers in Dante's Commedia as well as considered the numerical structure of the entire work. The whole Commedia is comprised of 100 cantos with 33 for the Inferno, 33 for the Purgatorio, and 33 for the Paradiso, plus one canto of introduction, giving a total of 100. Such an ordering based on the numbers of the Trinity (3), the unity of the Trinity (1), plus the perfection of 10 and factors thereof could not have been an accident. Other critics have analyzed the number of lines in the whole work and have found important significance in the middle line of the middle canto in the whole work. Also the terza rima, the three line interlocking stanza form Dante uses, proclaims the mystery of the Trinity in yet another way. Clearly Dante understood number symbolism and used it to good advantage. Surely not every work of medieval literature will have the complicated numerical structure of this great work, but an awareness and understanding of medieval number symbolism will help to appreciate the deeper significance of a work.

Bibliography
Bullinger, Ethelbert W. Number in Scripture. 1894. Grand Rapids: Kregel Publishers, 1971. 220.851 B874n 1967
This work does not do as much with the theory of number symbolism as some of the other works listed here, but it does do a good job of discussing the scriptural meanings for all the basic numbers. He also includes long lists of the times a specific number occurs in the Bible.

Hopper, Vincent Foster. Medieval Number Symbolism. New York: Columbia University Press, 1938. 133.335 H778m
While this work is not set up as a dictionary of number symbolism, it is clearly the standard work on the subject. In addition to providing a detailed discussion of the development of medieval number symbolism, he includes a good index which helps to locate the meaning of specific numbers. There is also a good bibliography, although dated.

Kinney, LeBaron W. The Greatest Thing in the Universe. New York: Loizeaux Brothers, 1939. 220.6 K623g
Although this work does tend to preach a little, it goes through the major numbers and gives their significance according to the Bible. He also gives good listings of the numbers and their locations in the Bible.

Meyer, Heinz. Die Zahlenallegorese in Mittelalter. München: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1975.
Although this work is in German, a student who reads a little German will find this work helpful. It focuses on the patristic and exegetical philosophy of numbers and also gives the principles of number symbolism. Most important it gives a detailed listing of symbolism for the major numbers between 1 and 1000 and even a few over 1000.

See Also
Child, Heather and Dorothy Colles. Christian Symbols Ancient and Modern.

Cirlot, J. E. A Dictionary of Symbols.

Cooper, J. C. Illustrated Encyclopedia of Traditional Symbols.

Ferguson, George. Signs and Symbols in Christian Art.

Forstner, Dorothea. Die Welt der Symbole.

Hulme, F. Edward. The History Principles and Practice of Symbolism in Christian Art.

Metford, J. C. J. Dictionary of Christian Lore and Legend.

Reau, Louis. Iconographie de L'Art Chretien.

Sill, Gertrude Grace. A Handbook of Symbols in Christian Art.

Vries, Ad de. Dictionary of Symbols and Imagery.

Selected Secondary Sources
Masi, Michael. Boethian Number Theory: A Translation of the De Institutione Arithmetica in Studies in Classical Antiquity, vol. 6. Amsterdam: Rodopi B. V., 1983.

Most. William G. "The Scriptural Basis of St. Augustine's Arithmology" Catholic Biblical Quarterly 13 (1951): 284-95.

Reiss, Edmund. "Number Symbolism and Medieval Literature." Medievalia et Humanistica n.s.1 (1970): 161-71.

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Music and Musical Instruments
In writing about the beginning of musical theory, medieval musicologists tell the story of Pythagoras who stopped one day as he passed a blacksmith's shop to listen to the harmony of the hammers hitting the anvil. When he investigated further, he discovered that the hammers had different weights: 12, 9, 8, and 6 pounds. When hammers of different weights hit the anvil, he could hear different intervals. In other words, there was a definite numerical relationship between the harmonic sounds he heard. From early times, music has been closely linked to numbers, and like numbers, music was seen as reflecting the harmony and mystery of the universe. Even in early Babylonian times, there were sacred towers with three or four levels joined by different numbers of steps (usually 7, 3, and 4). Specific songs were to be sung on each step as the participants moved closer to the sanctuary. Such an idea joining number and music is the precursor to the Christian "gradual" in the liturgy of the Church.

As might be expected early Pythagorean and Platonic thought join together to shape ideas of music theory--ideas that have to do with proportions and the nature of the cosmic universe. In the Republic Plato describes the motions of the spheres and suggests a relationship between those motions and musical notes. This idea of the tuning or harmony of the spheres is more than mere metaphor. Plato suggests that sirens turn these great cosmic spheres, which also correspond to a moral scale, and the resulting proportion of musical notes creates a great harmony which is the principle of creation itself.

These early ideas of cosmic harmony were passed down to the Middle Ages through the great musical treatises of Augustine and Boethius. It is not at all surprising that Augustine takes the classical ideas of music and universal harmony and turns them to the praise of God. In his exposition of the best music being that of the heart praising God, four important ideas emerge. The first idea is that the arts are not something invented by man for entertainment or even edification. They are, instead, a means established by God for man to move from the sensible and temporal world to the realm of eternal truth. That leads directly to the second idea: the arts, and specifically here music, lead the mind back to God. The third idea is that numbers are universal and eternal, pervading all that exists from temporal to eternal. The last idea that emerges is that there is a correlation between man's actions or morals and the numbers of music. Man's music becomes more beautiful and harmonious the closer he moves toward God's perfect music.

Many of these ideas are reflected in and expounded upon by writers like Macrobius and Martianus Capella who followed Augustine, but it is Boethius in his De musica who sharpens and deepens these ideas for the medieval world. In addition to reformulating Augustine's ideas, Boethius makes at least two striking contributions to the development of musical theory. First, he classifies music into three categories: musica mundana (music of the universe) which is the highest kind of music, that which holds the elements in harmony and heralds the movement of the spheres; musica humana (human music) which is man's expression of his own natural harmony, a reflection of his moral nature; and musica instrumentalis, which is what we think of an instrumental music--although it, too, has a definite influence over man's physical and spiritual nature. The other significant contribution of Boethius was his strong emphasis on the moral power of music to affect man's soul and his belief that man is what his music is. To understand his music is to get a real insight into his soul.

From these patristic writers the Christian philosophy of music passes to the exegetical writers--along with material from the mythographers. The exegetical tradition originates with interpretations of scripture--especially of the Psalms and the Song of Songs--and it adds a new category to Boethius' three, the category of divine music which includes the music of God's Being, the Trinity, Christ's Redemption, and Christ's "song of love" for his mother Mary. It also includes the songs of the angels and saints in heaven. The scriptural tradition also strongly asserts that music has a moral quality--both in the soul yearning toward God and in the use of musical instruments. There were many outlets for the exegetical tradition of music in addition to the standard dictionaries and commentaries. Music was a part of the liturgy, in both the Mass and the Divine Office, and preached from the pulpits of cathedrals and monasteries.

One particular body of information propagated by the exegetes is of particular interest here--the exegesis of particular musical instruments. Exegetes combed the scriptures to find every reference to music or musical instruments and interpreted them according to their moral qualities. Thus, the cymbals became "harmonious human lips" or "the concord of the faithful," the tuba is "a preacher or one perfected by tribulation," and the psalterium "service in 'eternal' matters." Such interpretations of instruments were collected in the traditional encyclopedias or scriptural dictionaries and came to be accepted as a measure of a man's internal moral nature--a tradition that was also a part of the Christian classical mythographers who viewed the myths of classical poets through Christian allegory. They, too, built on the classical interpretations of musical instruments and songs as signs of virtue or vice and assigned meanings to particular instruments or singers.

It is a combination, then, of the philosophical tradition of music with its highly developed vision of the celestial spheres and their music, the patristic tradition with its focus on the moral quality of music, and the exegetical tradition with its specific allegorizing of songs and musical instruments that is passed on to medieval art and literature. Significant studies have been written which focus on identifying musical instruments in visual art and on describing patterns or motifs. Some work has also been done on the broader use of musical ideas in literature. But less has been done in the area of musical instruments as symbols of a person's moral character--and yet it is an important area. When Chaucer describes the Miller in the "General Prologue" to the Canterbury Tales, in addition to using bestial imagery to characterize the Miller's physical qualities, Chaucer also tells us that the Miller is playing the bagpipe and with its music leads the group to Canterbury. The bagpipe has an interesting iconography. While some recent critics have pointed out that bagpipes appear in some paintings of angels playing instruments in heaven, the bagpipes have long been associated with the "Old Song"--the song of the flesh and carnality. In that tradition the bagpipes are sometimes seen as representing male genitalia and lust and have also been described as being made out of a pig's stomach turned inside out and making a sound which approximates the screams of the damned in hell. Surely given the Miller's character, one or both of the last two meanings makes more sense than an instrument of praise to God. The bagpipes add the perfect finishing touch to a character submerged in fleshly desires and deceit and provides interesting background music for the whole pilgrimage.

One other example from the Middle English romance Sir Orfeo helps to see how musical symbols can deepen the meaning of a work. In this romance Orfeo's wife, Heurodis, has been mysteriously abducted from beneath a grafted tree at noontime, and Orfeo, though he was there with an army of men, was powerless to help. To find his wife Orfeo leaves his kingdom in the hands of a steward and goes out into the wilderness to search for her. All he takes with him is his harp, which he uses to tame the animals in the wilderness and later to charm the faery king who has taken his wife. It would seem at first glance that the harp is an important narrative device since his playing before the faery king allows him to rescue his wife, and it might even seem that the harp represents something good or even spiritual which "tames" the bestial nature in man. A look into the allegories on the Orpheus legend would confirm this. But a look at the scriptural tradition adds another dimension. In addition to representing the higher kind of music which draws the soul upward to God, the harp is also seen as a figure for the cross--based on a passage in Psalms. Christ becomes the strings which were stretched on the cross to restore the harmony broken at the fall. Seen in this light, the harp takes on a much greater significance which (along with other crucial symbolic details in the romance) point to Orfeo as a symbolic figure of Christ who redeems his wife from a kind of hell and returns in triumph to his kingdom. To be sure not every mention of a musical instrument in medieval literature has such a deep significance--and some may be mentioned for non-symbolic reasons--but an awareness that music has moral connotations in the Middle Ages can greatly add to a full appreciation of a work.

Bibliography
Brogard, Roger and Ferdinand J. De Hen. Musical Instruments in Art and History. New York: Viking Press, 1967. 781.91 B73m
This work is organized by historical periods and contains valuable information about instruments in the Middle Ages. Although little of the information could be described as direct symbolism, the author does include material from literature and early Christian writings. It also includes color plates.

Carter, Neil. A Dictionary of Middle English Musical Terms.

Galpin, Francis W. Old English Instruments of Music. 1910. Rev. Thurston Dort. London: Methuen and Co, Ltd, 1965. 781.91 G139o
This source gives the historical development of early English instruments and includes good material from the literature of the period. Also included are plates and an annotated bibliography.

Montagu, Jeremy. The World of Medieval and Renaissance Musical Instruments. Woodstock, N.Y.: Overlook Press, 1976. 781.91 M76w
This work also is arranged historically and includes good examples of representations in medieval art. The written material, however, tends more toward technical descriptions of the instruments.

Munrow, David. Instruments of the Middle Ages and Renaissance. London: Oxford University Press, 1976. 781.9109 M926i
This work is organized historically and includes good pictures from medieval art. It also includes accounts from medieval authors about the instruments, but much of the rest of the material tends to be technical rather than symbolic.

See Also
Cirlot, J. E. A Dictionary of Symbols.

Hall, James. Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art.

Selected Secondary Sources
Block, Edward A. "Chaucer's Millers and Their Bagpipes," Speculum 29 (1954):239-43.

Bower, Calvin. Boethius' The Principles of Music: An Introduction, Translation, and Commentary. Diss. George Peabody College for Teachers, 1967.

Brown, Howard Mayer and Joan Lascelle. Musical Iconography: A Manual for Cataloguing Musical Instruments in Western Art Before 1800. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972.

Chamberlain, David Stanley. Music in Chaucer: His Knowledge and Use of Medieval Ideas About Music. Diss. Princeton University, 1966.

Chamberlain, David Stanley. "Musical Signs and Symbols in Chaucer: Convention and Originality," in Signs and Symbols in Chaucer's Poetry. Ed. John P. Hermann and John J. Burke, Jr. University, Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1981.

Knight, W. F. Jackson. St. Augustine's De Musica: A Synopsis. Westport, Conn.: Hyperion Press, 1979.

Meyer-Baer, Kathi. Music of the Spheres and the Dance of Death: Studies in Musical Iconology. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970.

Reiss, Edmund. Boethius. Boston: Twayne, 1982.

Winternitz, Emanuel. Musical Instruments and Their Symbolism in Western Art. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979. 709.94 W735m

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Physical Features
Bibliography

Brody, Saul Nathaniel. The Disease of the Soul: Leprosy in Medieval Literature. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974.
This book identifies leprosy with moral defilement, linking it specifically to lechery and sexual sins. After giving medical, social, and religious contexts for viewing leprosy this way, it then considers leprosy as it appears in literature.

Secreta Secretorum, Three Prose Versions. Ed. R. Steele. Early English Text Society, Extra Series 74, vol 1. London: 1898.
In addition to short sections on precious stones and herbs, the second version includes a short physiognomy (pp. 114-18). The third version contains a longer physiognomy (216-36) which includes such symbols as facial features, skin hue, and physical size.

Secretum Secretorum: Nine English Versions. Ed. M. A. Manzalaoui. Early English Text Society 276. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977. 082.Se25s
Four of the versions contain the section on physiognomy (10-17; 89-113; 197-202; 376-84) and include similar information as that listed above.

Selected Secondary Sources
Evans, Elizabeth C. "Physiognomics in the Ancient World," Transaction of the American Philosophical Society. n.s. 59, part 5 (1969).

Ladner, Gerhart B. Ad Imaginem Dei: The Image of Man in Medieval Art. Latrobe, Penn: The Archabbey Press, 1965.

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Mythology
Bibliography
Apollodorus. Gods and Heroes of the Greeks. Trans. Michael Simpson. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1976. 292.211 Ap43g
This is an edition of the standard text of Apollodorus. It is organized by topics in classical history and includes notes as well as the text.

Berchorius, Petrus. Ovidus Moralizatus. Utrecht: Instituut voor Laat Latijn der Ricksuniversiteit, 1960.
With a Dutch introduction and Latin text, this source may not be accessible to everyone, but it is one of the few editions of primary material on mythography.

Bell, Robert E. Dictionary of Classical Mythology: Symbols, Attributes, and Associations. Oxford: ABC-Clio, 1982.
This recent source is a particularly helpful one because of the different kinds of listings it contains. Along with the standard alphabetical listing by name of mythological figure, the text goes on to give a listing by symbols, attributes, and associations, including a listing by theme. The last section describes heroic expeditions, including the Trojan War. There is also an index of names and attributes.

Comparetti, Domenico. Vergil in the Middle Age. Trans. E. F. M. Benecke. London: Swan Sonnenchein & Co., 1895. 873.1 V587c
This book is a lengthy examination of Vergil's roles and symbolic associations in the Middle Ages. It especially covers Vergil in connection with the Sibyl, Vergil as Christian prophet, and Vergil as magician in popular legend.

De Boer, C. Ovide Moralise'. 5 vols. Wiesbaden: Verhandelingen der Koniklijke Adademie van Wetenschappen to Amsterdam, 1966.
With a Dutch introduction and French text, this book will not be accessible to all, but is a standard source and one of the few editions of this work in print.

Grant, Michael and John Hazel. Gods and Mortals in Classical Mythology. Springfield, Mass: G & C Merrian Co., Publishers, 1973. 292 G7673g
This source is organized with the standard alphabetical listing and includes pictures, maps, and genealogical charts.

Graves, Robert. The Greek Myths. 2 vols. 1955. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1972. 292 G787g
This source is readily available and is organized around themes and figures from mythology. It is